What Writing Students Get From the Net: Using Synchronous Communication to Develop Writerly Skills

The Gendered Language Unit Results

Because the primary goal of these chats was to test whether or not students could perceive differences in the ways genders use language, I considered the experiment successful if students took the experience seriously and reflected on what they saw and "heard". It did not matter to me whether students felt they had "proven" that there are gender differences in language or whether they felt there was no discernable difference at all. In fact, most students recognized that the reality was far more complicated than a simple "yes/no" argument would allow. If they could articulate that complexity based on evidence from these chats, then the chat classes achieved their goal. Having said that, there were some general tendencies reflected in each of the chat experiences; the following chart outlines those results.
 
Chat one: 
  • In the first chat, students often found it easy to determine who was male and who was female, but their basis for these decisions had more to do with the content of the "speaker's" response to the material than the language he/she responded with due the nature of the material under discussion.  For example, a woman might write, "Well, it's true, guys ALWAYS talk over us!" or a man might write, "If you think I'm talking too much, then you should say something. I don't think most men MEAN to lecture women." 
  • In spite of this, some students were incorrectly identified -- some women were identified as male by their classmates, and a few men as women (this was much more rare).  In cases where a woman was misidentified, the reasons given were that the speaker was forceful and authoritative in her expression on the chatroom, spoke often, and challenged classmates' ideas more.  For those few men who were misidentified, the reasons given were that the speaker contributed rarely, showed tendencies toward "keeping the peace" between sides, and expressed uncertainty in responses. 
  • Further, because it was their first chatroom experience, students did tend to associate the color nicknames with particular genders. They expected the student with the nickname "Pink," for example, to be a woman, and so for those gendered colors (any shades of pink or blue), students were more aware of when their expectations about gender were not fulfilled.  This meant that if Pink was a female student, but one who spoke forcefully, students were far more likely to say Pink was male than they were for a forcefully-expressive woman student whose nickname was Purple because they unconsciously expected Pink to be feminized.
Chat two:
  • Overwhelmingly, students found this "experiment" far more difficult than the first one.  Not only did they find themselves paying more attention to what was being discussed rather than how it was being discussed due the difficulty of the readings under discussion, but they also noted that only those whose language use was most "typical" of a particular gender style were notable.  In other words, most of the students seemed to "sound" about the same and there were only a few students who deviated from that norm enough to make their patterns of language use register with their classmates. 
  • Also, students found they paid very little attention to the "literal" meaning of the nicknames this time.  In fact, some students didn't know what a "drake" was (or some of the other animal names), and so that nickname signified nothing to them in any case. 
  • At the end of class, when students were asked to guess who was male or female, only a few students were willing to stick their necks out, and then only on a few of the more "obvious" participants.  Again, some students were misidentified but in almost all cases it was women being misidentified as men, for the same reasons given above. 
Chat three:
  • When students were allowed to choose their nickname/gender, very few male students chose a female nickname (perhaps three out of the 175 students who participated in these classes over a two-year period), but quite a few women chose male characters as nicknames. 
  • Of those few men who chose female nicknames, none of them attempted to "impersonate" a female speaking style in an attempt to fool their classmates.  Some of the women who chose male nicknames did try consciously to "act" male. 
  • Those male students who chose female nicknames but did not change their language patterns were quickly identified as male.  It seems as if when the nickname is female, and the language patterns are not female, that discrepancy is almost immediately noted by most of the participants. 
  • On the other hand, those women who tried to "impersonate" men were for the most part successful -- they were often identified as men at the end of class, and were triumphant about their ability to "pull off" their impersonation. 
  • Some female students with female nicknames also consciously tired to "act" male; they were also often identified as male.  These results would seem to support some feminist theorists' claims that women learn from an early age to adapt to male language patterns in order to be "heard," and are far more skillful at this "ventriloquism" than men.
  • Overall, however, the results were inconclusive.  Many students could not say for sure whether any given classmate was male or female by the way he/she talked in the chatroom.  Those who "stuck out" were those who were most extreme in their language patterns. 
  • Based on the results of these experiments, students could construct arguments for or against the importance of acknowledging gender patterns in language, or for or against the possible impact of anonymous modes of discussion on society.  As it turned out, there was not one "right" answer. 

 
Back to Online Components
On to Student Responses